OAH Celebrates its One Year at the Stassen Building
Blogging on Administrative Law and the Public Sector
A week from tomorrow, on September 29, 2008, the United States Supreme Court will convene for what is known as the "long conference." At this meeting, the Justices will make decisions on which of the petitions for certiorari that have been filed during the summer recess will be granted – placing the underlying cases on track for presentment to the Court during the Term that officially begins on the following Monday, October 6.
Happy Constitution Day, everyone!
Still, regardless of the strength of Hamilton's predictions (or his polemics), for all of the work that has been made toward public justice since that earlier September 17th, this is day of Thanksgiving.Whoever attentively considers the different departments of power must perceive, that in a government in which they are separated from each other, the judiciary, from the nature of its functions, will always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the constitution; because it will be least in a capacity to annoy or injure them. The executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The legislature not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The judiciary on the contrary has no influence over either the sword or the purse, no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society, and can take no active resolution whatever. It may truly be said to have neither Force nor Will, but merely judgment; and must ultimately depend upon the aid of the executive arm even for the efficacy of its judgments.
This simple view of the matter suggests several important consequences. It proves incontestably that the judiciary is beyond comparison the weakest of the three departments of power; that it can never attack with success either of the other two; and that all possible care is requisite to enable it to defend itself against their attacks. It equally proves, that though individual oppression may now and then proceed from the courts of justice, the general liberty of the people can never be endangered from that quarter: I mean, so long as the judiciary remains truly distinct from both the legislative and executive. For I agree that "there is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers." And it proves, in the last place, that as liberty can have nothing to fear from the judiciary alone, but would have every thing to fear from its union with either of the other departments; that as all the effects of such an union must ensue from a dependence of the former on the latter, notwithstanding a nominal and apparent separation; that as from the natural feebleness of the judiciary, it is in continual jeopardy of being overpowered, awed or influenced by its coordinate branches; and that as nothing can contribute so much to its firmness and independence, as permanency in office, this quality may therefore be justly regarded as an indispensable ingredient in its constitution; and in a great measure as the citadel of the public justice and the public security.
In an interesting opinion handed down yesterday from the Minnesota Court of Appeals, the appellate panel ruled that a Level II sex offender on supervised release, Brian Marlowe, could not be returned to jail following his failure, “through no fault of his own,” to secure housing in the community.
Two Fridays ago, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit handed down an interesting opinion on the recovery of attorneys fees under the Equal Access to Justice Act (EAJA).
The Minnesota House of Representatives Research Department recently updated its summary publications on rulemaking.
In an interesting opinion handed down by the Minnesota Supreme Court last Thursday, the Court divided over the question of how broad the inquiry over the expungement of records held by other agencies needed to be.
In an opinion issued on Tuesday, a panel of the Minnesota Court of Appeals addressed a very interesting question: Does the fact that the Department of Natural Resources conducted a six-month investigation into the destruction of 19,838 pounds of buffalo fish argue for, or against, a prehearing revocation of the game and fish licenses held by the person that the Department accused of destroying the fish?
Yesterday, a special substitute panel of the Minnesota Supreme Court issued an opinion resolving recent challenges to designating judicial officers as "incumbents" on the canary ballot.
In this case, in the absence of the relief requested, petitioner Clark has not been barred from the primary ballot and petitioner Robins will not be barred from voting for her (or any other candidate on the primary ballot). Given petitioners' unreasonable delay in asserting the interpretations of the constitution and election statutes that they espouse here, and balanced against the significant potential prejudice to respondents, to other election officials, to Justice Gildea and potentially to other candidates, and to the electorate, we conclude that it would be inequitable to grant the relief sought by petitioners with respect to the primary ballot even if we were to conclude that their arguments had merit. Accordingly, we deny the petition on grounds of laches with respect to the primary ballot.The Court’s complete laches analysis, as well as an interesting discussion of the Governor’s appointment powers, is accessible here.
Minnesota's Annual Rulemaking Seminar turns 13 on October 1.
In an interesting opinion issued on Thursday, a divided Minnesota Supreme Court ruled that an enrolled member of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, Buddie Green, was obliged to receive employment services from her Tribe’s social service office and was not permitted to access these services, alongside non-tribal members, through Aitken County.